#?
#P[80]&#A*FAmerican^ Studies^ in^ China^ #FKVol.1#FS,^ 1994/_@#a$#P[100]
#J[-100]
#T3MULTICULTURALISM: A CHALLENGE$
TO AMERICAN LIBERAL DEMOCRACY#t
#T4SHEN Zongmei#t
    The colossal changes now taking place in the world toward the end Н
of the 20th century are by no means restricted to the countries only a Н
while ago called socialist.  Nor are they limited to those Third World Н
societies long plagued by poverty and ethnic or religious strife.  The Н
overnight fall of the Berlin Wall, the sweeping victory of the Gulf Н
War, the collapse of the Soviet Union and its stooge regimes in Н
Eastern Europe - these dramatic events did make the Americans thrilled Н
with excitement and ecstasy.  The suppression of the recent rebellion Н
launched by the former communists not yet ready to recognize the Н
demise of the erstwhile Soviet empire once again sent a wave of relief Н
and, indeed, satisfaction to Washington and the Western capitals in Н
general. These changes are so immense in scope and radical in nature Н
compared with all previous changes in modern history that thoughtful Н
intellectuals and politicians have lost no time in offering a variety Н
of visions and scenarios of the future and predictions about what will Н
become of our globe in the next century.  If Francis Fukuyama's Н
assertion that history has #^reached#^ _its "end point" and ideological Н
evolution is already a thing of the past is thought to be somewhat Н
premature or too blunt, it is nonetheless felt (not by President Н
George Bush alone) that the time has come to create a "New World Н
Order" in which Western liberal democracy will be universally adopted Н
as the final form of human government.  But such euphoria is soon Н
clouded by harsh reality. Harvard University professor of government Н
Samuel P. Huntington points to us a gloomy future full of clashes Н
between civilizations. He explicitly states that "the fundamental Н
source of conflict will not be primarily ideological or primarily Н
economic." ... but "will be cultural."#+[1]$
This article, by analysing the implications of the cultural Н
conflicts in the United States, attempts to demonstrate how Н
ideological evolution will continue to exist in different forms in a Н
particular country. $
#T4I#t
#M1Multiculturalism: A Challenge to American Liberal Democracy#m
#M2American Studies in China#m
&#FHA Revolution?$#FS
    It now can be said with safety that, no matter however great the Н
good tidings from abroad might be, the Americans could not find enough Н
solace when they turn to their own domestic problems.  One of the Н
problems concerns the profound and unprecedented challenges posed by a Н
group of intellectual trends under the general rubric of Н
multiculturalism which threatens not only the efficacy but also the Н
legitimacy of the traditional liberal democratic ideals sustaining the Н
general framework of American political and social institutions.  Н
American scholars in almost all fields of social sciences and Н
humanities have been drawn into the debate, spawning enormous quantity Н
of publications of books, studies and surveys, and articles in various Н
academic journals representing all kinds of opinions and positions.  Н
The media almost have daily coverage of events relating to eruptions Н
of new but often bizarre multicultural behaviors or ideas.  In order НКfor our readers to have some basic understanding of how serious the Н
situation has become, let me here quote the opening remarks by Mr. Н
Paul Oskar Christeller prefacing the first article in the Spring 1991 Н
issue of #FKThe Hudson Review:#FS_ "We have witnessed what amounts to a Н
cultural revolution, comparable to the one in China if not worse, and Н
whereas the Chinese have to some extent overcome their cultural Н
revolution, I see many signs that ours is getting worse all the time, Н
and no indication that it will be overcome in the foreseeable future."Н
#+[2]_
 Dr. Dinesh D'Souza, a scholar deeply Н
concerned with the fate of the freedom of expression and academic Н
inquiry who has investigated more than a hundred U.S. universities and Н
made detailed case studies of six of them, i.e., the University of Н
California at Berkeley, Stanford, Howard, the University of Michigan, Н
Duke, and Harvard, came to a similar conclusion: "The transformation Н
of American campuses is so sweeping that it is no exaggeration to call Н
it a revolution."#+[3]_  It may be Н
necessary to remind the Chinese readers of the different connotation Н
of the word "revolution" when employed by the Americans, but obviously Н
in both of the above contexts it is used in a broad sense rather than Н
in its strict definition in political science.  Mr. Kristeller, too, Н
may not be accurate when he equals what are now going on in the Н
American academy with the Chinese cultural revolution in the 1960's and Н
1970's.  They are cited here merely to show to what an extent some of Н
the Americans themselves are alarmed by the challenges confronting Н
them.$
&#FHThe American Universities on the Move$#FS
    The American "cultural revolution" which has engaged the close Н
attention of the American intellectual world was started by the Н
universities. $
    As the most sensitive nerve centers of ideology and learning in Н
the United States championing capitalism and market economy, the Н
American universities have been and remain to be the stronghold and Н
repository of Western civilization.  Through instruction and research Н
and service, they not only supply educated young men and women needed Н
in a highly developed industrial society, but also - and more Н
importantly - carry on and transmit to later generations the Н
established value system acquired in the long process of historical Н
development.  A unique functional feature of the American higher Н
education institutions has been to assimilate the alien traditions and Н
cultures constantly brought to the country by immigrants from all Н
parts of the world.  "The essence of the function that we could best Н
assign to education is," as Roger Shattuck who teaches at Boston Н
University aptly put it, "that of gonads. By the genetic code they Н
contain, gonads represent our biological continuity - that set of Н
chromosomal constants - which will not change rapidly despite Н
superficial influences. Education embodies the gonads of 
culture."#+[4]_
  On the other hand, the Н
American universities have characteristically been the hotbed Н
fermenting unconventional as well as original ideas and concepts.  Н
While usually it is true that these new ideas and concepts are signs Н
of future societal changes, therefore serving as warnings to Н
mainstream culture, cognitively they more often than not assume a Н
position with a significant distance ahead of reality. $К    In the spring of 1988 students at Stanford University, angered by Н
what they saw as a hostile curriculum based on European classics Н
offered to undergraduates, spontaneously held a demonstration that Н
attracted nationwide publicity, chanting "Hey hey, ho ho, Western Н
culture's got to go."#+[5]_ Н
Under the strong pressures of the students largely consisting of Н
minority groups, feminists and homosexuals, the University authority Н
backed away and finally replaced its long-standing Western Culture Н
core courses covering traditional authors from ancient Greece and Rome Н
to the 19th century with a new requirement called "Cultures, Ideas and Н
Values."  Students are introduced to works discussing race and gender Н
issues by Third World writers, ethnic minority members and women.  In Н
other words, such masterpieces as Plato's #FKRepublic#FS_ and Machiavelli's Н
#FKPrince#FS_ would have to be canceled to make room for works such as Н
#FKI, Н
Rigoberta Menchu#FS, a personal narrative highly charged with a political Н
theme by a Guatemalan peasant woman who ironically won the 1992 Nobel Н
Prize of literature, and the obscure Frantz Fanon's #FKWretched of the Н
Earth#FS_ which openly preaches violent overthrow of colonial oppression. Н
(ditto.) $
In fact the resentful protest of the students at Н
Stanford was only one incidence of the anti-tradition sentiments Н
widely spread among the youthful Americans almost everywhere, and Н
Stanford University was not the only victim.  Core curricula at such Н
places as Colombia University and the University of Chicago quickly Н
came under fire in the aftermath of Stanford reform.  In a similar Н
vein the Mount Holyoke College decided that its students must take a Н
course in Third World culture although there was no requirement in Н
Western culture.  Students at the University of Wisconsin were given Н
the freedom not to choose courses in Western civilization or even Н
American history, but they had to get enrolled in ethnic-studies Н
courses.  Cleveland State University set a minimum quota of two Н
courses dealing with African-American studies and one focusing a non-Н
European culture. Dartmouth College had gone so far as to disqualify Н
those of its students for graduation who did not meet the non-Western Н
requirement while courses in Western classics were made optional. Н
(ditto.)  The September issue of #FKHarper's Magazine#FS#O&tabled the required Н
courses offered by Stanford to its undergraduates in the late 1930's in Н
striking comparison with the "Cultures, Ideas and Values" courses it Н
provides fifty years later in the late 1980's.  
Fifty years ago, much less to mention Н
earlier times, works of antiquity by Grecian and Roman masters and Н
works by authors in the Renaissance and Enlightenment periods, Н
collectively (but usually derogatorily) known as the "canon," Н
constituted the cornerstone of American university curricula.#+[6]_
  Authors from other cultures, whoever they Н
might be and whatever works they may have produced - if known at all to Н
the American professors, and even the most distinguished American Н
writers, were all excluded from college classrooms.  This American Н
academic scene, however unthinkable and outrageous it seems to us now, Н
was indeed the accepted standard of the time in the West.  That it is Н
now accused of being "Eurocentric" is not without ground.  Nor is it Н
difficult to imagine what a biased and sometimes scornful attitude Н
some of those who were educated from young by American universities Н
and colleges exclusively teaching such curricula would take when НКexposed to other cultures and values found in Asia, Africa, and Н
partially Latin America.  The bias has been further reinforced by the Н
conviction of "White Supremacy" and the idea of Christian gospel Н
"proselytism," thus creating a long-standing despise among the Western Н
world toward non-European cultures and peoples at large.  It is Н
therefore not without justification to label the Western culture as an Н
exclusive one. $
    The target of the present U.S. campus revolution is exactly the Н
exclusivity of the Western culture embodied by the time-honored Н
curricula dominating humanities teaching programs in different levels Н
of American school education.  Retained on the current list of Н
required readings of Stanford are only Euripides, Aeschylus, St. Н
Augustine and Shakespeare, all the rest of the Grecian and Roman and Н
Renaissance giants read by students of Columbia University in the Н
1930's are abandoned.  At the same time, large number of Latin American Н
writers and documents adopted at various stages of the bourgeois Н
democratic revolution including the American Declaration of Н
Independence, the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the U.N. Н
Universal Declaration of Human Rights have been inducted. It should be Н
noted that listed here is only the Stanford readings required of Н
European and American authors without mentioning the other seven Н
programs covering Asia and Africa. $
    Doubtlessly the core courses taught in the schools of liberal arts Н
is of paramount importance for the fundamental purposes of education Н
in any culture.  In China, for instance, basic Confucian texts known Н
as the "Four Books and Five Classics," analogous to    what the Н
Americans now call the "canons," have been the foundation of Н
traditional school curriculum for over two thousand years from the Han Н
Dynasty (206 B.C.-220 A.D.) to the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) except Н
temporary or marginal interruptions caused by border minorities at Н
times strong enough to occupy the whole or part of China.  
The Chinese history would have been a completely different Н
story if China had not produced a man named Confucius or if it had not Н
adopted Confucian classics as the foundation of education from the Н
time of Han.  If Arnold Toynbee may be too abhorrent in saying that Н
"When we classify mankind by color, the only one of the primary Н
races...which has not make a single contribution to any of our 21 Н
civilizations is the black race,"#+[7]_ we still need hard evidence to Н
disapprove of him.  It need not be emphasized that the survival of any Н
culture depends on its ability to preserve, interpret and to transform Н
its own tradition contained in classical scriptures.$
#T4II#t
&#FHPolicy of Admission$#FS
    The whirlwind of changes in the American universities has also Н
brought into question the policy of enrolling students and hiring Н
professors.  Already in place since the 1970's have been what is known Н
as the controversial Affirmative Action programs, a thinly veiled Н
quota system that requires government agencies and the public sectors, Н
particularly those sectors including educational and research Н
institutions that receive government grants and/or contracts, to Н
employ work-force and admitting students in proportion to the numeric Н
composition of ethnic groups where they are concerned.#+[8]_  Obviously, such a racial quota hiring guideline came into Н
headlong conflict with the traditional policy of employment by Н
professional and scholastic standards.#+[9]_  The Supreme Court decision on Bakke v. Board of Regents (of Н
the University of California at Davis) partially checked the fearful НКspread of what is called among certain groups, particularly the white, Н
"reverse discrimination." Until late into the mid-1980's, recruitment Н
of university professors along the Affirmative Action lines instead of Н
academic performance has never been seriously put into practice, Н
although many universities including the most prestigious ones openly Н
profess they do not discriminate anyone on ground of race and sex.  Н
But things have changed in recent years.  Virtually all American Н
higher learning institutions now go to extra length to woo students Н
from certified minority groups - conspicuously blacks and Hispanics - to Н
fill their freshman classrooms, at the expense of the white and Asian-Н
American applicants who have considerably higher grade-point averages Н
and standardized test scores.  Most universities also provide an array Н
of special programs and incentives in terms of cash grants to Н
encourage these students admitted on basis of preferential treatment Н
to pass their courses and stay in school.  Also covered by the Н
Affirmative Action programs are Native Americans, Third World Н
students, homosexuals, lesbians, women, and indeed any group that can Н
justifiably claim to be victims.  The only exception - as ironical as Н
irony can be - is made of the Asian-Americans, namely, the Chinese, the Н
Vietnamese, the Koreans and probably the Japanese who, undoubtedly Н
having the most bitter experience in American history, are now Н
suddenly elevated to the not every enviable status as the white.  At Н
Berkeley, for instance, as Mr. D'Souza pointed out that black and Н
Hispanic student applicants are up to twenty times as likely to be Н
accepted for admission as Asian-American and white applicants who have Н
the same academic scores.#+[10]_  Н
In other words, a black applicant with a high school grade-point Н
average of 3.5 (out of a possible 4.0) and a Scholastic Aptitude Test Н
(SAT) score of 1,200 (out of a possible 1,600), the probability of Н
admission to Berkeley is one hundred percent, but if the same Н
applicant is a White or an Asian-American, the probability of Н
admission to Berkeley is five percent.  At the Ivy League colleges, the Н
mecca of young and talented Americans with high aspirations, a Н
freshman usually had a grade-point average approaching 4.0 and a SAT Н
score around 1,300.  In order to catch on the bandwagon of the Н
Affirmative Action, these schools now admit students from minority Н
groups with grade-point average below 3.0 and SAT aggregates under Н
1,000.  This is also true with the state universities.  Н
Michael Harris, a professor of history at Wesleyan University, openly Н
defended the favored treatment of the minorities by arguing that "When Н
you see the word 'qualifications' used, remember this is the new code Н
word for White." (ditto.)$

&#FHNew Code of Conduct$#FS
    The change in the composition of the college student body has Н
compelled the school authorities to make drastic readjustment in Н
campus rules and regulations.  Personal relationship and behavioral Н
patterns have assumed a new outlook.  Of all the new measures taken Н
and the administrative sanctions adopted by the university presidents Н
to ensure absolute equality in a diversified student community are the Н
severe penalties meted out to those who allegedly violate the policy Н
guidelines concerning matters of race and sexual orientation.  
In 1987 in the State University of New Н
York at Buffalo, a solemn resolution was passed by its law school Н
faculty warning the students not to make remarks directed at another's НКrace, sex, religion, national origin, age or sexual preferences, Н
including ethnically derogatory statements, as well as other remarks Н
based on prejudice and group stereotype.  Those who dared to violate Н
this rule should not expect protection under the First Amendment, the Н
reason being that "our intellectual community shares values that go Н
beyond a mere standardized commitment to open and unrestrained Н
debate."#+[11]_  An Н
undergraduate at the University of Pennsylvania, reported #FKThe Wall Н
Street Journal#FS_ in 1989, in order to express her disagreement with the Н
university's planning to hold a series of orientation sessions to Н
raise the consciousness of all the campus residents in regard with Н
racism, sexism wrote a letter in very polite language, saying that she Н
had "deep regard for the individual and my desire to protect the Н
freedoms of all members of society."  She was thought by the Н
university as a case in point who really needs a lesson to be Н
politically correct.  A university official sent her letter back, with Н
the word "individual" underlined and the comment "This is a #FKred Н
flag#FS_ Н
phrase today, which is considered by many to be #FKRacist#FS.  Arguments Н
that champion the individual over the group ultimately privilege the Н
'individual' belonging to the largest or dominant group." (ditto.) $

&#FH"White Need Not Apply."$#FS
    Equally under the impact of the Affirmative Action are also  Н
guidelines for hiring faculty members.  North Carolina's Duke Н
University in the mid- to late 1980's made two major decisions unusual Н
in the history of American higher education.  One was to shift its Н
attention and efforts to expand researches in such areas as Н
deconstructionism, post modernism, structuralism and reader-response Н
theories coming into vogue in recent years.  
Anyone serious about human civilization would not fail Н
to find that they all have thrived on the presupposition that the Н
traditional Western scholarship in literature, philosophy, history and Н
law is hypocritical and deliberately deceptive, and all classical Н
masterpieces do not mean anything or, rather, mean anything, depending Н
on who reads them.  The definition of literature, indeed any writing, Н
is elusive at best, and under particular circumstances Shakespeare Н
might be displaced by the Manhattan yellow pages or by graffiti on Н
metro car.  Anything goes.  "There is no knowledge, no standard, no Н
choice that is objective," says Barbara Herrnstein Smith, a former Н
president of the Modern Language Association who now teaches at Duke Н
University,  "even Homer is a product of a specific culture, and it is Н
possible to imagine cultures in which Homer would not be very Н
interesting."#+[12]_  Perhaps Н
Harvard University Professor Sacvan Berkovitch brings home the essence Н
of the new scholarship and thinking when he states: "Individualism, Н
self-reliance, and liberal democracy are no more or less absolute, no Н
more or less true to the laws of nature and the mind, than the once-Н
eternal truths of Providence, hierarchy and the divine rights of Н
kings."   In a public statement recently released in defense of Н
humanities, the American Council of Learned Societies states that  Н
democracy cannot be justified as a system of government inherently Н
superior to totalitarianism, dictatorship or any other authoritarian Н
polity in general.  It is simply an "ideological commitment" that the Н
West has chosen to make.  At the 1989 annual conference of the Modern НКLanguage Association, sessions were held on such topics as "Literary Н
and Critical Theory from Lesbian Perspectives",  "The Muse of Н
Masturbation", the latter being a panel chaired by a Duke professor. Н
(ditto.)  A fiery feminist professor of English by the name of Eve Н
Sedgwick dedicates her course to exposing the heterosexual prejudice Н
and bigotry inherent in Western literature in her papers - believe it Н
or not - such as "Jane Austen and the Masturbating Girl" and "How to Н
Bring Your Kids Up Gay."  Notorious?  Scandalous?  No.  At least Н
nobody dares to say so.#+[13]$
    The second important decision Duke made in 1988 was to increase Н
the black elements on the faculty strength, mandating every department Н
or program to hire at least one additional black member in five years.  Н
Departments failing to reach this goal would have to provide Н
convincing evidence to the university administration that they had Н
tried their best to no avail, or they would face harsh penalties.  It Н
must be borne in mind that these two seemingly unrelated decisions in Н
fact have underlying unity.  Since the "new scholarship" is determined Н
to take to task the legitimacy and desirability of the existing Н
institutions and procedures of liberal society - democracy, free Н
markets and due process, it thus has opened up new fields of inquiry Н
and new employment opportunities for black, feminist and other Н
minority academics who would otherwise fail to meet the faculty Н
eligibility.  Duke is not alone in doing so.  Competition for Н
hiring more black faculty members and instituting new scholarship Н
programs is high on the agenda of almost all the university Н
administration across the Unites States today.#+[14]$
    Such a fierce competition suddenly makes the black doctorate fall Н
sharply short of demand on the market of intelligence.  Some colleges Н
are virtually buying off minority professors from fellow institutions.  Н
The United States in 1987 has about 3,500 four-year colleges and Н
universities with a total enrollment of 7,200,000 full-time students Н
and 5,500,000 part-time students taught by over 700,000 professors.  Н
Every year from these colleges and universities about a million Н
students receive their BA degrees, some 300,000 are awarded with MA Н
degrees. Of the 34,839 Ph.D.s conferred in 1987, black Americans only Н
earned 765, mostly in a single field, #FKi.e.#FS, education.#+[15]_  Given the fact that Н
very few black doctorates graduate from basic science with specific Н
expertise, it is difficult for colleges and universities eagerly Н
wooing non-white faculty members to fulfill their quota.  And the Н
dearth problem of black doctoral graduates is further aggravated by Н
the equally active recruitment of blacks by companies which have the Н
advantage of being able to offer bigger salaries and more benefits.  Н
Predominantly black Н
schools like Howard, Fisk, Tougaloo and Tuskegee are fearing that they Н
may loose out in the war for black faculties because they cannot Н
possibly offer as much money and incentive as other financially strong Н
universities are doing.#+[16]$
#T4III#t
&#FHCultural Equality$#FS
    While, at first sight, the transformation of university curriculum Н
emphasizing inclusion of non-Western works and the  new policy in Н
student admission and faculty recruitment in favor of black and other Н
minority groups may indicate a radical reorientation of the American Н
educational system, academic standards and the perception of Н
knowledge, it is also true that they send forth unmistakable signals НКthat something far more than who teaches what in the classrooms is at Н
stake.  The nature of the American society seems to be undergoing Н
drastic changes, with all the enshrined legacies and heritage so dear Н
to but hitherto never questioned by the unsuspected Americans being Н
turned upside down.  $
    Despite the fact that the native Indians had inhabited the vast Н
North American Continent for centuries and had created their highly Н
sophisticated civilization long before Christopher Columbus came, the Н
United State as a nation was conceived, however, in the ideals Н
transplanted from Europe to the New World.  The American society that Н
has stayed till today was modeled on Western examples.$
    "New scholarship" or multiculturalism built on the premises of the Н
theories developed by modernist, deconstructionist and postmodernist Н
critics poses a serious challenge to the American mainstream culture Н
rooted in European civilization in that it denies the superiority of Н
one civilization over any other civilizations, and claims that all Н
civilizations are equal.#+[17]_  It is fair to say Н
that an American white man usually does not dispute that every Н
civilization has the equal right to exist, but he may be reluctant to Н
agree that every civilization has the same worth.  The American Н
#FKDeclaration of Independence#FS, the most important document to present Н
American ideals, states: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, Н
that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator Н
with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty Н
and the pursuit of happiness."  One must not forget that the term "all Н
men" here did not include blacks, the Indians and other colored Н
peoples at the time of writing.  An unbiased observer Н
would not fail to take note of the fact the Civil War in the mid-19th Н
century emancipated the Negro slaves and the civil rights movement in Н
the 1960's considerably alleviated racial discrimination against 
them.  Speaking strictly in legal and political terms, the blacks are Н
now equal with the white.  But socially and economically, they are Н
still second-class citizens, even though equal opportunity for all is Н
in theory accepted as an American creed.  "All men" could be equal, Н
opportunity could be equal.  What about all cultures?$

&#FHColumbus The Villain$#FS
    First, let us see how the multiculturalists have to say about Н
this.$
    The discovery of the New World by Christopher Columbus in 1492 has Н
been hailed as a crucially important event that made possible for the Н
first time for all the members of the human species on the surface of Н
the earth to know each other.  Although over the years complaints have Н
been raised now and then concerning the personal motives to search for Н
gold and territorial conquest of the explorer and his sponsor, the Н
Spanish co-monarchs, no one has seriously questioned the epoch-making Н
significance of the trans-Atlantic voyage per se.  Now, the Н
revisionist historians by setting up a multiculturalist tribunal for a Н
retrial of the Venetian navigator are handing down a new judgment Н
diametrically opposed to that upheld for five centuries.  It was not Н
Columbus who "discovered" America, they say, it was the American Н
Indians who discovered Columbus and his European fellow gangsters.  Н
The sinful Columbus was a criminal, who is charged with oppression, Н
racism, slavery, rape, theft, vandalism, genocide, and ecological Н
desolation.  In October 1991, НКmore than twenty thousand Indians coming from as far as the southern Н
part of Chile and Alaska in the North gathered in Guatemala to voice Н
their protestation against the celebrations being prepared world-wide Н
for the quincentennial of Columbus's arrival at San Salvador.
#+[18]$
Meanwhile, multiculturalists criticize "Thanksgiving" as a Н
white men's attempt to cover up their plunder and massacre of the Н
Indians and an idealization of the destructive effects of colonial Н
culture upon a variety of nonwhite peoples.#+[19]$

&#FHThe American Holocaust$#FS
    The second half of the 19th century marks a new turn in American Н
history, when a frenzy in moving westward caught the imagination of Н
the Americans in the aftermath of the Civil War. And the settling of Н
the wilderness up to the Great Plains and further to the Pacific coast Н
opened new horizons for the rapid growth of an industrial society.  Н
"The peculiarity of American institutions is," Frederick Jackson Н
Turner concludes in his famous essay delivered at a conference of the Н
American Historical Association at Chicago in 1893, "the fact that Н
they have been compelled to adapt themselves to the changes of an Н
expanding people - to the changes involved in crossing a continent, in Н
winning a wilderness, and in developing at each area of this progress Н
out of the primitive economic and political conditions of the frontier Н
into the complexity to city life."#+[20]_  Undeniably the Н
Western movement of white America came along, as any large-scale human Н
migration did, not without violence.  Multiculturalists now charge Н
that the retelling of such expansions downplays the loss of lives of Н
native culture in a way comparable to that of the extermination in Н
Hitler's concentration camps.  Professor Ali A. Mazrui of the State Н
University of New York (Binghampton) argues that the word "holocaust" Н
should not be reserved exclusively for the Jewish experience under the Н
Nazis.  American Indians, the professor insists, have a right to that Н
term as well.#+[21]$

&#FHRedefining Words$#FS
    According to Samuel Eliot Morison, the first Africans were brought Н
to Jamestown, the first British ill-fated settlement in now Virginia, Н
as slaves by a Dutch ship.#+[22]_  Multiculturalists now are persuading the students not to Н
call Africans who were brought to the U.S. against their will "slaves."  Н
Instead they would be referred to as "enslaved persons," which would Н
call forth the essential humanity of those enslaved, helping students Н
to understand from the beginning the true meaning of slavery.$
    The United States is a country of immigrants, who came at one time Н
or another from all parts of the world.  It is estimated that there Н
are now over two hundred identifiable ethnic groups scattered across Н
the land.#+[23]_  Mechanism for the integration of the various racial elements Н
has been what historians dubbed the "melting pot."  As #FKTime#FS, columnist Н
Robert Hughes pointed out "America is a construction of mind, not of Н
race or inherited class or ancestral territory," and if the melting Н
pot never worked well, "American mutuality lives in recognition of Н
difference."#+[24]_  But now this melting pot Н
theory is called into serious question on a multiculturalist Н
perspective.  The new theoreticians contend that in the U.S. furnace Н
all the colored peoples have been melted to ashes or even nothingness Н
only to make the WASP stock stronger as alloys.  Therefore it is now НКimperative, these new academic cadres advise, for all non-WASP to  Н
maintain and celebrate their separate identities and traditions, and Н
especially their differences with the white.  In other words, the Н
melting pot should be thrown away and let each group to cook for its Н
own.  Certain black communities have gone so far as to set up schools Н
exclusively for their own kids, a self-imposed segregation ironical to Н
the hard-won progress of the civil rights movement in the 1960's.  Н
The word minority used to mean those ethnic Н
groups whose size relative to the dominant white is small should cease Н
in currency, because from a global point of perspective many of the Н
so-called minorities in the United States are more accurately Н
described as part of the world's majorities.  And, even the U.S. Н
children should view themselves as citizens of the world rather than Н
of America.#+[25]$

&#FHFeminists as Wariors$#FS
    It is not only history that has been turned upside down and Н
language redefined.  Gender also has become an uncompromising Н
political problem.  Since the U.S. Constitution says nothing about Н
equality or inequality of women, and since the 19th Amendment only Н
guarantees the right of women to vote as men, a sustained campaign to Н
write a new constitutional amendment (ERA) endorsing the equality Н
between the sexes has been going on for decades.  Though passed in the Н
Congress long ago, ERA has met with stiff resistance in more than one Н
fourth of the states.  The three bones of Н
contention here are feminism, sexual preference and abortion.  Radical Н
feminism refuses to allow not even an iota of legitimacy or Н
rationality of all societies after the disappearance of matriarchy, be Н
it slavery, feudal, capital or post-industrial.  Its accusation is as Н
simple as serious and factually hardened: In all male-dominated Н
civilizations that we know women comprising half of humankind are Н
treated as inferior.  This, and this alone, could silence any counter-Н
argument raised by men (and sometimes some women as well).  Male Н
chauvinism is a terrible crime.  
The ferocity of feminism, Joseph Epstein tells in dire Н
sarcasm, makes "perfectly comprehensible the joke about the couple in Н
their West Side Manhattan apartment who, having been twice robbed, Н
determine to protect themselves, he wanting to get a resolver, she a Н
pit bull, and so they agree to compromise and instead get a feminist."Н
#+[26]_  Labeled "the Н
domestic equivalent of Communist Party apparatchiks in the former Н
Soviet Union,"  the National Organization of Women (NOW) is now headed Н
by a woman named Patricia Ireland, an air stewardess who, while still Н
married to her husband in Miami, maintains a sexual relationship with Н
another lesbian in Washington, D.C.  Feminism's mouthpiece Ms. is now Н
edited by a woman who thinks most of the "decently married bedrooms Н
across America are settings for nightly rape."#+[27]_  Whatever Н
the case, feminism constitutes a serious challenge to the American Н
society and established system of values, and a powerful political Н
lobby pressing for change.  The "sexual harassment" scandal Н
surrounding the Senate confirmation of Clarence Thomas on the bench of Н
the U.S. Supreme Court convincingly shows that it is a factor to be Н
reckoned with.  Feminists's wrath was caused by the revelation Н
that the black jurist had on several occasions approached, allegedly Н
in a disagreeable manner, a black woman who had worked under him in a НКgovernment agency a long time ago.  To discredit the nominee, they Н
launched a "character assassination" campaign, charging him of serious Н
sexual harassment offenses.  It goes without saying that American men Н
making sexual advances in the workplace is widespread, and Н
coordinated efforts should be made to overcome this social pathology.  Н
But in the case of Clarence Thomas, feminist agenda was blown out of Н
proportion, and finally to bankruptcy. $

&#FHThose Except Men and Women$#FS
    Also threatening to decimate the totality of humanity is a new Н
legion that has suddenly burst out into the open from the closet.  How to deal Н
with homosexuality in a free society is a thorny problem which not Н
only posits a moral dilemma but challenge the proper domain covered by Н
the existing concept of human rights.  Since the question of how many Н
American adults are homosexual is not answered by the U.S. Bureau of Н
Census, Alfred Kinsley's 10% established in his 1948 studies has Н
remained the authoritative figure.#+[28]_  Н
A recent survey Н
conducted by Battelle Human Affairs Research Centers in Seattle, Н
Washington, reduces the U.S. homosexual population to a tiny 1% of the Н
total, i.e., one tenth of Kinsley's estimation.#+[29]_  Whatever the game of numbers, visible  communities of gays Н
and lesbians exist in major U.S. cities, and are becoming formidable Н
political forces, at least, at the local level.  
President Bill Clinton himself is strongly committed to the Н
cause of homosexuals.  In 1991 there were fifty-three openly gay Н
elected officials at various levels of government. Several states have Н
now passed laws banning discriminations against gays or providing for Н
one of a long-term gay couple to legally inherit the property or Н
company benefits left by the other upon death as if they were married Н
spouses of heterosexuals.#+[30]$
    Do homosexuals have the equal rights as the heterosexuals under Н
the law?  Should they be treated the same on issues of employment and Н
promotion?  Is there legal ground on which a court can remove an Н
American citizen who practices homosexuality from the protection of Н
the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution?  The Supreme Court Н
has been silent.  The U.S. Armed Forces and the churches, however, are Н
intransigently against the gays, though for different reasons.  
It is reported that Pentagon's prohibition against gays Н
in the services results in the dismissal of 14,000 men and women Н
annually, including some who fought in the Gulf War.#+[31]_  Having promised to make America look more like Н
the real America, President Bill Clinton is doing all he can to Н
redress the grievances of his gay supporters in military uniforms or Н
in civilian suits.$
#T4IV#t
&#FHThe Victims$#FS
    Rebellion against the Western tradition, rejection of the American Н
white establishment, search for the root of the lost cultures (real or Н
fantasized) of the American nonwhite minorities, and narcissistic Н
indulgence in esotericism and absurdity have joined forces in Н
launching a revolution of the "victims."#+[32]_  The Н
victims fall into three categories.  The three corresponding Н
perpetrators are racism, sexism and class oppression.  In the first Н
category are, broadly speaking, those Americans who have at one time Н
or another downtrodden by the WASPs.  As late as towards the closing Н
years of the 19th century, the first generations of the largely НКCatholic immigrants speaking Latin languages and coming from Southern Н
Europe and the Slavic immigrants coming from Eastern Europe with Н
Orthodox Eastern beliefs, the Jews and the Irish included, were all Н
minority victims of racism.  Since the 20th century, however, these Н
groups have been able to reverse their victim status to that of Н
victimizers because, after all, they are white, share European culture Н
and tradition with the WASP, and most importantly, they have achieved Н
significant progress in economic terms.  What are really meant "ethnic Н
groups" today in American parlance are the Native Americans, the Н
African-Americans, the Latinos from Caribbean and Central and South Н
America, the Chicanos from Mexico, and the Asian-Americans.  These Н
groups constitute roughly 25% of the American population in total.  Н
Their root cultures or the cultures they have brought to the United Н
States are lumped together and are called "multiculture".  In the Н
second category are victims of sexism: women, homosexuals, and Н
practitioners of various sexual perversions.  Their sufferings may be Н
traced as far back as to the decline of the matriarchal societies or Н
to a point of time immemorial in history.  In the third category of Н
victims are those who have been living under class oppression.  Н
Obviously this last categorization is well-grounded in the Marxian Н
theory on human conditions newly revised and expanded by the American Н
academics on the left represented by Professor Frederick Jameson, a Н
highly paid Marxist at the tobacco-rich Duke University, to include Н
the ethnic minorities, the poor whites, the unemployed, the homeless, Н
feminists, gays - practically all who can find something to feel Н
miserable and angry about - in the ranks of the classical proletariat.  $

&#FHAfrocentrism as a Solution$#FS
    The victims of racism, primarily the blacks, have developed a Н
brand-new field of scholarship: African-American Studies propped up by Н
Afrocentrism.  The ground work of this academic enterprise was laid Н
down by the late Senegalese historian Cheikh Anta Diop and has been Н
pushed to a new height by such maverick American pundits as Molefi Н
Kete Asante, professor and chair of the Department of African-American Н
Studies at Temple University, Martin Bernal, professor of government Н
at Cornell University, and Leonard Jeffries, chairman of black studies Н
at the City College of New York.  Mr. Asante's #FKAfrocentricity#FS_ was Н
published in 1988. Bernal'a #FKBlack Athena#FS_ is truly a monumental work Н
planned in five volumes, the first of which appeared in 1987 under the Н
subtitle: #FKThe Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization: The Н
Fabrication of Ancient Greece (1785-1985)#FS,_ the second in 1991: Н
#FKThe Н
Archaeological and Documentary Evidence#FS._  These and such other books Н
by the Afrocentric authors are exceedingly educating and enthralling. Н
They assert that the civilization of ancient Greece, which is seen as Н
the origin of all that is European and good, was essentially a colony Н
of the older civilization of Egypt or Near East.  Similarities between Н
the culture, religion and language of ancient Greece and those of the Н
peoples to its south and east primarily came about as the result of Н
invasion and immigration from Egypt, which was in turn but a Н
northward, if not a peripheral, extension of the great civilization Н
created mainly in the sub-Saharan area of the African continent.  So, Н
we the people in the world - no matter where we now live, what skin Н
color we happen to assume today - are all blacks in the very final Н
analysis.  Knowledge and achievement in such subjects НКas literature, history, philosophy, law, ethics underlying Euro-Н
American civilization belong to the ancient Africans, who also Н
invented mathematics, papermaking, the compass, and sorted out the Н
ratio of the circumference of the circle to its diameter and the lever Н
principle (the Chinese have no right to claim any of them).  Why have Н
such most vital and important truths remained undiscovered for so Н
long?  The answer is simple.  The European and American scholars in Н
all fields are liars and racists who have in the past two hundred Н
years engaged in a vast intellectual and cultural cover-up, Н
suppressing African past and at the same time fabricating a Western Н
tradition with materials stolen from black Egypt.  Worse still, these Н
scholars are politically motivated in doing so: They use (or misuse) Н
history to serve their imperialist masters in enforcing colonial Н
domination of Africa.#+[33]_  Mr. Jeffries is promoting the Н
theory that the key determinant of personality is the skin pigment Н
melanin.  He divides humanity into the "Ice People" and the "Sun Н
People".  The former are the greedy and warlike white men who live in Н
the North, whereas the latter are the generous and communal blacks who Н
inhabit in the South.  He explains to his students in class that the Н
"Ice Ages" caused the deformation of the white genes, resulting to the Н
emergence of Nazi Germany as the "ultimate culmination " of the white Н
value system. In contrast, the black genes were enhanced by the "value Н
system of the Sun".  Besides, Mr. Jeffries is an openly avowed anti-Н
Semitist.#+[34]$
    While it is impossible to read the work of these authors of  Н
Afrocentrism without sympathy for the way that Africa has been Н
deprived of its history and excluded from cultural consideration, one Н
also has to conclude that this sense of deprivation has driven them Н
into falsifying their past.  Mr. John Ray, Herbert Thompson Reader in Н
Egyptology at the University of Cambridge, England, where Н
multiculturalism has not gained much ground, make the following Н
comment without fearing of being accused of politically incorrect: Н
"The person who feel devalued by society and who invents an Н
aristocratic pedigree is, or perhaps was until recently, a familiar Н
figure, and it is saddening to see this pattern repeated with whole Н
cultures. It should not be necessary.  It is also depressing to think Н
that there are now college departments in the United States where to Н
deny the Afrocentric view of civilization would be to risk dismissal.  Н
This is no way to right historic wrongs."#+[35]$
    Saddening indeed is the American phenomenon too: No question can Н
have an origin or resolution as long as it involves skin color.  An Н
exception made recently, therefore, is of special note.  On display Н
since 1966 on the second-floor of the Smithsonian's National Museum of Н
Natural History is the reconstruction of the head of the protohuman Н
Australopithecus.  The exhibit, however, was closed early in 1991.  Н
The closure was not prompted by any new scientific evidence but by a Н
protest lodged by a D.C. black group known as Tu-Wa-Moja (Swahili Н
meaning "We are one").  The group said that the original head looked Н
like that of a DEWM (dead European white male) on the Mayflower, and Н
demanded that it be replaced by a revised one.  Along with the Н
Australopithecus the ground-floor murals depicting the evolution of Н
man should also be altered to correct the impression that the earliest Н
humans resembled the white.  Tu-Wa-Moja and the curators of the Н
Smithsonian negotiated over exactly when in the last 200,000 years Н
white people joined the parade of humanity.#+[36]$К    One need not be a black to be an Afrocentrist.  Mr. Martin Bernal Н
is one such person, and a historian of Jewish blood at that.  He was Н
originally a British subject, a scholar of modern China and Japan, Н
whose father was the wartime advisor to Lord Mountbatten, and now Н
teaches government at Cornell University.  To put behind a mid-life Н
crisis in 1970's, he went to the Middle East in search of his Jewish Н
roots, much in the same way as Alex Haley did in the 1960's, but Н
returned with far more academic award.  Neither need one be a white to Н
disagree with what Bernal writes.  The irony of Afrocentricity is best Н
laid bare by Henry Louis Gates Jr., chair of Harvard's Afro-American Н
Studies department, when he points out that Afrocentrists downgrade Н
the significance of Western culture yet go to so much trouble to claim Н
authorship of it.  More importantly, Gates asked, what would prove Н
even if Plato himself were black?  Why should the glories of humankind Н
belong to either white or black?  Are they not by definition Н
universal?  Gates warns that there is the danger for black studies to Н
be consumed by its own excessiveness if it fails to follow the line of Н
critical inquiry.  He is convinced that the focal theme of Н
Afrocentrism is a superstitious faith in the power of "race" or Н
"blood" to determine destiny.  Gates analogizes: "What would we say to Н
a person who said that to teach Milton, you had to be Anglo-Saxon, Н
Protestant, male...and blind?"#+[37]_  If Н
asked in the Chinese context, it would be: Does one have to be yellow, Н
a Han Chinese, a Confucianist, and an emasculated male in order to Н
meaningfully read Sima Qian?  $

&#FHPen and Power$#FS
    New theories in literary criticism (structuralism, modernism, Н
postmodernism, deconstructionism, etc.), racially charged United Н
States history, anti-male feminism, gay rights movement, and  Н
Afrocentrism are working from different angles to orchestrate a Н
frontal attack on the Western liberal tradition and erode the bedrock Н
of American society.  One should bear in mind that the challenges they Н
pose are political and cannot be explained away in academic terms.  Н
Brigitte Berger, professor of sociology at Boston University, may have Н
hit the target most accurately when she tells a panel discussing Н
radical changes in today's American higher education: $
#FF#G[2]#G[-2]
       In sum, there can be little doubt that the American             Н
academy has become the battleground for the definition of         Н
reality.  The simultaneity of structural changes and the         Н
assault on the traditional liberal content of the Western         Н
university give credence to arguments that hold that much of Н
what has occurred during the past decades should not be Н
understood so much in terms of the predilections of 
particular actors or movements, but rather as a reflection         Н
of larger social and ideational processes that have been 
unleashed in the modern world.  Moreover, it may be of Н
some interest to observe that regardless of the very Н
different perceptions and goals that distinguish the Н
various factions in this debate, a rare consensus is Н
achieved in the rock-bottom convictions common to all, that Н
the current crisis in the culture of the university is but a Н
mere reflection of a wide range of symptoms 
characteristic of a civilization in decline.#FS#+[38]$К    
    Robert Alter, professor of comparative literature and Hebrew Н
literature at the University of California, Berkeley, while sharing Н
the same concern of Berger, looks at the changes and challenges in Н
light of power and politics.  He says that they provide a tremendous Н
lever of power against the oppressive structures of the American Н
society.  By making academic inquiry highly politicized and literary Н
criticism superior to literary texts, multiculturalists, Н
Afrocentrists, and feminists attempt to effect a radical Н
transformation in general consciousness and bring about "a new age of Н
liberation".  "The revolution will come not from the barrel of a gun Н
but from a reversal of hermeneutic practice, a fusillade of labored Н
puns, the subversive introduction of parentheses in the middle of Н
ordinary English words."#+[39]_  It is the black scholars on the left who are Н
outspoken and straightforward in stating their ultimate goals.  Mr. Н
Louis Gates identified what he called "a rainbow coalition of blacks, Н
leftists, feminists, deconstructionists, and Marxists,"  who have now Н
infiltrated academia and are "ready to take control."  It will not be Н
much longer, he predicts: "As the old guard retires, we will be in Н
charge."#+[40]$
#T4V#t
&#FHConfrontation Head-on$#FS
    Undoubtedly, the campaign - or the revolution - waged by the Н
multicultralists joined by the radical intellectuals of all colors to Н
discredit and destroy the Western tradition would not go unopposed by Н
the rightists, neo-conservatives, free-marketers and their like-minded Н
colleagues in the liberal camp.  #FKNewsweek#FS_ reported in March 1991 that Н
Republican presidential candidate Patrick Buchanan dismissed Н
multiculturalism as "the American landfill."  Outraged by Jeffries's Н
loony theory on the "Ice Man" and "Sun Man" and his unfounded Н
accusation of a white conspiracy against the blacks, New York's Sen. Н
Patrick Moynihan openly criticized the professor of the City Н
University and called for his expulsion.#+[41]_  Н
Even David Dinkins, the city's first black mayor, conceded that the Н
ill-treatment of the Indians and blacks as begun by the discovery of Н
Americas "ought not to diminish the wonderful accomplishment of Н
Christopher Columbus almost five hundred years ago.  He is a Н
magnificent achievement and we should let nothing diminish that." $
    While still calling the shots from the pulpit of new literary Н
criticism, deconstructionism and postmodernism are damaged beyond Н
repair from the bottom by revelations substantiated by undeniable Н
documentary evidence.  In 1989 Victor Farias published his book Н
entitled #FKHeidegger and Nazism#FS, which confirmed that Martin Heidegger, Н
whom Jacques Derrida regarded as the intellectual progenitor of Н
deconstruction, was a pro-Nazi existential philosopher before (and Н
probably during) World War II.  No sooner had the disciples of Н
Heidegger conjured up a feeble defense for their godfather than it Н
surfaced, once again to the embarrassment of the new critics, that Н
Paul de Man, a Yale professor and, with Derrida, a dominating Н
influence in deconstruction, was a fervent admirer of Hitler in the Н
early 1940's when he lived in Belgium.  He suggested Jews be deported to a Н
separate colony, and he praised the Vichy government in France.  Н
His later writings seem to attempt to justify Н
his own behavior. "It is also possible to excuse any guilt," he wrote Н
in #FKAllegories of Reading#FS_ (1979), because "the experience always exists НКsimultaneously as fictional discourse and as empirical event and it is Н
never possible to decide which one of the two possibilities is the Н
right one.  The indecision makes it possible to excuse the bleakest of Н
crime."  He further elaborates that "considerations of the actual and Н
historical existence of writers are a waste of time from a critical Н
viewpoint."#+[42]_  In May 1992 when the Senate House of Н
England's Cambridge University was in session to debate whether it was Н
becoming its prestige to award Derrida an honorary doctorate, he was Н
described by an opponent as "someone who has to write more and more Н
obscurely to disguise the fact that he has nothing to say."  A Н
collective motion accused him of promulgating "absurd doctrines," Н
which "make nonsense of science, technology and medicine."
#+[43]$
    Countering the onslaught of multi-culti radicalism in the American Н
academia are three books recently published by deeply concerned Н
scholars: Arthur Schlessinger's #FKThe Disuniting America#FS, Roger Н
Kimball's #FKThe Tenured Radicals: How Politics Has Corrupted Our Н
Higher Н
Education#FS, and Denish D'Souza's #FKIlliberal Education#FS.  If Eurocentrism Н
led, as it did, to centuries of racial segregation, Schlessinger Н
argues, the solution Afrocentrism proposes - in effect the creation of Н
a separate history for and by black Americans - is but a prescription Н
of intellectual apartheid.#+[44]_  "Instead of Н
a nation composed of individuals making their own free choices, Н
America increasingly sees itself as of composed of groups more or less Н
indelible in their ethnic character."  The alarmed historian asks: Н
"Will the center hold?"  Kimball has offered a Н
profound and more balanced analysis of the politicization of Н
humanities by the tenured radicals.  He writes:$
#FF#G[2]#G[-2]
        The issues raised by the politicization of the humanities       Н
have application far beyond the ivy-covered walls of the 
     academy.  The denunciations of the "hegemony" of Western 
     culture and liberal institutions that are sounded so            Н
insistently within our colleges and universities these days
     are not idle chatter, but represent a concerted effort to 
     attack the very foundation of the society that guarantees       Н
the independence of higher education.  Behind the               Н
transformation contemplated by the proponents of feminism, 
deconstruction, and the rest is a blueprint for a radical 
transformation that would revolutionize every aspect of         Н
social and political life, from the independent place we 
grant higher culture within society to the way we relate to 
one another as men and women.  It is precisely for this Н
reason that the traditional notion of the humanities and the Н
established literary canon have been so violently attacked by Н
#FKbien pensants#FF_ academics: as the cultural guardians of the ideals Н
and values that Western democratic society has struggled to Н
establish and perpetuate...#FS#+[45]$

&#FHOrganized Resistance$#FS
    To coordinate and muster strength in fighting back, traditional Н
intellectuals have set up their own organization, the National Н
Association of Scholars (N.A.S.), funded by several conservative Н
foundations.  With headquarters in Princeton, N.J.,  the N.A.S. has НКquickly emerged as the cutting edge of mainstream opposition to the Н
excesses of multiculturalism.  Its membership, already in thousands, Н
has grown very rapidly, such luminaries as Duke's political scientist Н
James David Barber, Harvard's sociobiologist Edward O. Wilson and Н
Jeane Kirkpatrick, former U.S. ambassador to the U.N. are among Н
N.A.S.'s roster.  The association publishes the quarterly #FKAcademin Н
Questions#FS, sponsors regular conferences and has affiliates in twenty Н
states.  N.A.S. president Stephen Balch thinks that the success of Н
these combatant episodes show individuals can make a difference if Н
they are prepared to speak out and take the heat of doing so.  Н
Balch insists that what his organization seeks is only to maintain the Н
standards of excellence that have made U.S. universities the world's Н
envy.#+[46]_  In 1991 U.S. representative Henry Н
Hyde of Illinois, a conservative Republican, introduced in Congress a Н
bill designed to stop the spread of multiculturalist censorship of Н
student behavior in schools.  The measure was supported by the Н
American Civil Liberties Union.#+[47]$
#T4VI#t
    The polemic on the nature of American democratic society triggered Н
by multiculturalists' nonrecognition of the Western liberal tradition Н
throws light on our understanding of how the United States as a Н
country now largely determining the course of world events is to shape Н
up itself in the future.  Capitalism is not an eternal form of human Н
existence, nor is liberal democracy the ultimate mode of political Н
development.  Nothing is by nature immune to change, for better or for Н
worse.  America does not lie outside or beyond the rule of the law of Н
evolution.  $
    Various theories have been advanced by American scholars to Н
explain the emergence of the multicultural revolt.  Though it is Н
impossible to examine each of them in full due to limited space, the Н
following considerations which seem to be the consensus of most of the Н
analysts are worthy of note .  First, the on-going assault on Н
traditional culture may be seen as a continuation of the student Н
rebellion of the 1960's under new circumstances.  In  spite of the Н
phenomenal progress achieved, at least in legal terms, in such Н
important social aspects of human rights and racial desegregation, the Н
legacy of the youth protest characterized by "anti-culture" tendency Н
in the Kennedy-Johnson era never quite came off.  Moreover, the Н
perplexing problem of culture has never been - or will ever be - Н
resolved to the satisfaction of all parties.  What, in the first Н
place, is American culture?  Is the mainstream culture or, in other Н
words, the culture brought to North America by the white Europeans the Н
American culture?  What role has this culture played in the growth of Н
the nation?  What kind of impact has it brought to different American Н
ethnic groups now and in the past?  These are, indeed, vitally Н
important questions concerning everybody, but no one, not even the Н
most learned, much less the ordinary folks, seems to be able to give Н
an answer accepted by all.  To identify with it in total or in part, Н
or to reject it altogether.  That is the question.  The anti-culture Н
cries in the 1960's may be a sophomore joke.  With simple-mindedness Н
overcome, multiculture should not be seen as a mere repetition of the Н
youthful insurrection almost three decades ago, but as a social and Н
political movement that implies far-reaching and more mature Н
contemplations along the line of action to alter what is perceived as Н
the #FKancient regime#FS.  The leading #FKLatter Day Saints#FS_ of the movement are НКthe adherents of Martin Luther King гж Co.  donned on the robe of Н
tenured professors, joined by a new generation of youths.  $
    Secondly, the current cultural radicalism may be understood as a Н
result subsequent to the vast changes that have occurred in the Н
American higher education.  American colleges and universities are Н
very different places today from what they were some forty years ago.  Н
In a brief period of time a variety of forces, both on the structural Н
and the intellectual level, have joined hand in transforming an Н
institution cast in the  traditional liberal mold.  Structurally, the Н
rapid expansion of higher education in the 1950's and 1960's turned Н
the college from an institution providing sheltered space to the Н
nation's elite into open universities responsible for the education of Н
ever-larger portions of its citizenry.  In the meantime, the Н
intellectual focus of once small and self-contained institutions of Н
American higher learning has grown into research machines of awesome Н
dimensions.  In essence, it transformed the academic enterprises into Н
a corporate entity breathtakingly in its grasp of the principles of Н
finance, in its capitalist daring and sheer rapidity.  The irony is Н
that it is precisely the expansion - or popularization - of higher Н
education that causes the politicization of the American academy and Н
the attack by the professoriate on American mainstream culture and the Н
Western tradition in general.  Walking out from the classrooms of the Н
elite oriented colleges were men and women who by instinct tended to Н
defend the establishment, whereas the vast majority of the educated Н
youth from the mass-producing open universities where anything is Н
taught is a motley lot with different family origins, social statuses, Н
ethnic identities, class affiliation, and - do not forget - sexual Н
preferences.  Western traditional culture having grown to maturity on Н
a tiny patch of land on the earth called Europe is no longer able to Н
serve as the only cohesion to stick together all these enlightened Н
souls with wider visions, divided opinions and expectations, and Н
conflicting class positions.  The third factor under consideration is Н
the change in American demographic atlas.  According to a #FKTime#FS_ Н
magazine report in 1991, the 1965 Immigration Act passed by the U.S. Н
Congress had reversed a policy, in place for four decades, of favoring Н
Europeans and making things tough for other applicants.  Suddenly Н
people from throughout the Third World found it easier to enter the Н
U.S., rapidly changing its demographics.  Between 1980 and 1990, the Н
white non-Hispanic majority in Los Angeles County turned into a Н
minority.  In the U.S. as a whole during the same decade, the number Н
of Hispanics increased by 53% to 22.4 million, roughly 9% of the Н
population.  The Dade County, Florida, school district, the U.S.'s Н
fourth largest, now teaches students from 123 countries.  $
    In this author's opinion, the key to the understanding of the so-Н
called revolution in the American intellectual world is the ever Н
increasing self-awareness of man in the 20th century, a century in Н
which science and technology have gained advancement never seen or Н
even imagined before in history.  Just like nuclear fusion releases Н
huge power, the widespread of knowledge and information through Н
modern means of communications energizes the dormant souls living in Н
the remotest corner of the world.  Far more important for the Н
Europeans than the "landing" at the New World by Christopher Columbus Н
at the dawn of the modern era was the discovery of the individuality Н
of each human beings in the course of Renaissance and Reformation.  Н
The Industrial Revolution and the Enlightenment further established НКthe inviolability of the human #FKself#FS.  Whether the U.S. society now is Н
post-industrial or postmodern is open to debate, but there is one Н
thing which is certain: The essential determinants (in terms of Н
property, power, class, identity, skin color, etc.) that define the Н
personal relationships (such as between men and women, between races, Н
between the rich and the poor, between the homosexuals and the Н
heterosexuals, etc.) are not what they were fifty years ago.  The Н
sustained struggle on a world-wide scale for national liberation and Н
its corollary result in the proliferation of independent nations Н
unmistakably point to the reality of continued enhancement of the Н
self-awareness of peoples outside Western Europe and North America Н
seeking greater opportunities for self-expression, and the yearning of Н
the individuals comprising these peoples to demonstrate the equal Н
worth of their existence.  Given the fact that the United States is a Н
nation of immigrants, who still keep contact with their mother Н
countries and cultures in one way or another to the extent they are Н
American citizens, the awakening of the peoples in the Third World Н
inevitably prompts the nonwhite Americans to question anew what and Н
who they are, thus bringing about an identity crises.  The paradox is Н
that the American democratic polity driven by free market competition, Н
liberal tradition in quest for knowledge and perfected technology, and Н
respect for individual rights and integrity is creating a "mass Н
society" incompatible to its parent.$
#T4NOTES#t
##[D1J100P80]
_#+[1]_#FKForeign Affairs#FS, Summer 1993, p.22.$
_#+[2]_See Joseph Epstein, "The Academic Zoo: Theory - in Н
Practice," in #FKThe Hudson Review#FS, Spring 1991, p.9.$
_#+[3]_Denish D'Souza, "Illiberal Education," in #FKThe Н
Atlantic Monthly#FS, Vol. 267, No. 3, March 1991, p.52.$
_#+[4]_#FKHarper's Magazine#FS, September 1989, pp.49-50.$
_#+[5]_#FKThe Atlantic Monthly#FS, March 1991, pp.52-53.$
_#+[6]_#FKPartisan Review#FS, No. 2, 1991, pp.350-77; #FKHarper's Н
Magazine#FS, September 1991, pp.43-52.$
_#+[7]_Quoted from #FKTime#FS, Feb. 3, 1992, p.38.$
_#+[8]_See Thomas Sowell, #FKEthnic American: A History#FS, New Н
York: Basic Books, 1981, p.223.$
_#+[9]_Stanley I. Kutler ed., #FKThe Supreme Court and the Н
Constitution: Readings in American Constitutional History#FS, 3rd Н
Edition, New York: W. W. Norton Company Ltd., 1984, pp.688-96. On the Н
controversy of the Affirmative Action, see Robert K. Fullinwider, Н
#FKThe Н
Reversed Discrimination Controversy: A Moral and Legal Analysis#FS, Н
Totowa, New Jersey: Rowman and Littlefield, 1980.$
_#+[10]_#FKThe Atlantic Monthly#FS, March 1991, p.54.$
_#+[11]_#FKThe Atlantic Monthly#FS, March 1991, pp.54-55.$
_#+[12]_#FKThe Atlantic Monthly#FS, March 1991, p.58.$
_#+[13]_#FKThe Atlantic Monthly#FS, March 1991, p.64.$
_#+[14]_#FKThe Atlantic Monthly#FS, March 1991, pp.58-64.$
_#+[15]_#FKPartisan Review#FS, No.2, A Special Issue, 1991, pp.336-37.$
_#+[16]_#FKPartisan Review#FS, No.2, A Special Issue, 1991, pp.336-37. Also Н
see #FKThe Atlantic Monthly#FS, March 1991, p.67.$
_#+[17]_#FKTime#FS, July 1991, p.12.$
_#+[18]_For a detailed account of the historical debate on the Н
desirability of Columbus exploration, see Arthur Schlessinger Jr., НК"Was America a Mistake?", in #FKThe Atlantic Monthly#FS, September 1992. The Н
#FKTime#FS_ magazine in its July 8, 1991 issue, VOA and BBC at about the same Н
time all covered the controversy.$
_#+[19]_#FKTime#FS, July 8, 1991, pp.12-13.$
_#+[20]_Quoted from #FKReadings in Intellectual History: The American Н
Tradition#FS, C. K. McFarland, ed., New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Н
1970, p.247.$
_#+[21]_#FKTime#FS, July 8, 1991, p.11.$
_#+[22]_Samuel Eliot Morison et. al., #FKA Concise History of the Н
United Н
States#FS, New York: Oxford University Press, 1977, pp.22-23.$
_#+[23]_James Paul Allen and James Turner, #FKWe the People, An Atlas Н
of Н
American Ethnic Diversity#FS, New York: McMillan Company, 1988, p.312.$
_#+[24]_#FKTime#FS, Feb. 3, 1992, p.34.$
_#+[25]_#FKPartisan Review#FS, Spring 1991, p.13. Also #FKTime#FS, July 8, 1991, Н
p.10.$
_#+[26]_#FKPartisan Review#FS, Spring 1991, p.28.$
_#+[27]_#FKU.S. News and World Report#FS, Feb. 10, 1992, p.10.$
_#+[28]_#FKFortune#FS, Dec. 16, 1991, p.43.$
_#+[29]_#FKTime#FS, April 26, 1993, pp.39-41.$
_#+[30]_#FKTime#FS, Aug. 12, 1991, pp.30-31; #FKFortune#FS, Dec. 16, 1991, pp.43-Н
54.$
_#+[31]_#FKNewsweek#FS, Aug. 12, 1991, p.31.$
_#+[32]_Michael Elliot, "American Survey," in #FKThe Economist#FS, Oct. 26, Н
1991, p.16; also see #FKThe Atlantic Monthly#FS, March 1991, p.52, and Н
#FKTime#FS, Н
Feb. 3, 1992, pp.34-39.$
_#+[33]_John Ray, "Levant Ascendant," in #FkThe Time Literary Н
Supplement#FS, Н
Oct. 18, 1991, pp.3-4; Mary Lefkowitz, "Not Out of Africa," in #FKThe Н
New Н
Republic#FS, Feb. 10, 1992, pp.29-36. Also see #FKNewsweek#FS, Sept. 23, 1991, Н
pp.46-52.$
_#+[34]_Denish D'Souza, "Illiberal Education," in #FKThe Atlantic Н
Monthly#FS, March 1991, p.54.$
_#+[35]_#FKThe Time Literary Supplement#FS, Oct. 18, 1991, p.4.$
_#+[36]_#FKNewsweek#FS, Sept. 23, 1991, p.46.$
_#+[37]_#FKNewsweek#FS, Sept. 23, 1991, p.51.$
_#+[38]_#FKPartisan Review#FS, No.2, A Special Issue, 1991, pp.317-18.$
_#+[39]_#FKPartisan Review#FS, No.2, A Special Issue, 1991, pp.285-86.$
_#+[40]_Denish D'Souza, "Illiberal Education," in #FKThe Atlantic Н
Monthly#FS, March 1991, p.71.$
_#+[41]_#FKNewsweek#FS, Sept. 23, 1991, p.46.$
_#+[42]_Quoted from "Illiberal Education" by Denish D'Souza, in #FKThe Н
Atlantic Monthly#FS, March 1991, p.78; and "The Academic Zoo: Theory - in Н
Practice" by Joseph Epstein, in #FKThe Hudson Review#FS, Spring 1991, p.27.$
_#+[43]_#FKNewsweek#FS, May 25, 1992, p.51.$
_#+[44]_#FKTime#FS, Sept. 23, 1991, p.46.$
_#+[45]_Quoted from "The Academic Zoo" by Joseph Epstein, in #FKThe Н
Hudson Review#FS, Spring 1991, pp.23-24.$
_#+[46]_#FKTime#FS, April 1, 1991, p.48.$
_#+[47]_#FKTime#FS, April 1, 1991, p.47.$#E